I'm not sure why Stanford keeps Francis "the end of history..." Fukuyama around and that goes double for Paul Ehrlich* but it's their money and their reputation and since Stanford has a lot of each I suppose they can afford to squander a bit.
From Modern Diplomacy, July 23, 2025:
Fukuyama’s triumphalist “end of history” now reads as a cautionary tale, as we reach the limits of the democratic-neoliberal order and confront the return of geopolitics in an increasingly unstable, multipolar world.
In his 1992 book The End of History and the Last Man, Francis
Fukuyama put forward one of the most challenging and enduring
hypotheses in the International Relations corpus. A puzzle seemingly
naïve and optimistic in the face of the unshakable aura of a serious and
Realist tradition—already scarred by the three major conflict of the 20th
century—yet annoyingly pertinent, as the unexpected fall of the Soviet
Union and the ascendancy of the Western liberal democratic order seemed
to herald the natural Long Peace after humanity’s most violent moment.
When the end of accumulated chaos after the Cold War brought
with it the newfound certainty about the conclusion of enduring human
struggle, it also planted the expectation of its return.
For the proponents of Fukuyama’s hypothesis, this counterfactual
unipolar moment could be seen as a linear progression, sustained by the
triad of democracy, trade, and interdependence.
For others, it signaled a reminder of our captivity to history and a
prelude to the eventual end of the current world order. However, the
return of history does not mean its strict repetition. While optimistic
views tend to deny the possibility of the emergence of new threats and
strongly believe that international relations are conducive to peace and
tranquility, pessimistic views suggest the return to a period similar to that of Europe between the World Wars.
Today’s so-called “return to power politics” does not resemble a
German-style rise to systemic confrontation, but rather marks a shift
away from the U.S.-led Western status quo. The international system, as
constructed after the Second World War, has become almost unrecognizable
today, owing to the rise of emerging powers, the historic transfer of
relative wealth and economic influence from West to East, increasing
globalization, transnational forces, and the narrowing gap in power
differentials between states.
The failure of the “end of history” thesis stems from two key assumptions: (1) the necessity of a globally adopted democratic order, and (2) the universal acceptance of liberalism as the foundation for human theodicy:
Failure of the Democratic Order
For Fukuyama’s hypothesis to hold, democracy and liberalism
would have needed to spread universally, to every country. Yet, this
convergence has not occurred. Some states, like China, have embraced
aspects of economic liberalism without adopting democratic governance,
showing that the liberal-democratic pairing is neither natural nor
inevitable.
Even where liberal democracy has spread, it has not consistently
demonstrated its superiority. In recent decades, some authoritarian
regimes have outperformed democracies in areas such as economic
development, social cohesion, and crisis management, challenging the
assumption that liberal democracy is the most effective or desirable
model. This performance gap has become particularly evident in response
to social crises. The COVID-19 pandemic, for instance, exposed how
certain authoritarian systems could act more decisively and effectively
in times of global emergency. As the world grapples with increasing
transnational crises—climate change, resource competition, pandemics,
cyber threats, migration—resilience and adaptability may matter more
than regime type alone.
Failure of the Liberal Ideal
The “end of history” rationale implies the need for a common ground
in defining what is good or evil—a kind of universal theodicy. First, in
relation to the democratic-liberal system, the hypothesis that “democracies do not go to war with one another” requires that all inter-state relations be dyadic and democratic. Empirical evidence shows that democracies frequently engage in conflict with non-democracies.
U.S. interventions in Iraq, Kuwait, and elsewhere serve as clear
examples that being democratic does not guarantee pacifism. This
suggests that unless every state becomes democratic, the conditions
necessary to prevent war remain unfulfilled. Second, the notion of a
political theodicy—the belief that liberalism represents a universally
accepted moral endpoint—presumes a consensus beyond foundational political disagreements. It assumes a shared framework for determining the lesser evil
in decision-making, balancing what is disagreeable with what is
disastrous. But political judgment is inherently shaped by context,
trade-offs, and power struggles that are deeply specific to each
society. Envisioning a politics free of conflict or power is as
unrealistic as expecting global unity under one religion or moral code.
Failure of the Western Neo-Liberal Democratic Order
The exportation of democracy and regime change in authoritarian countries has only strengthened nationalist tendencies and fueled resentment toward Western intervention.
For example, framed as democracy promotion, the 2003 U.S. invasion of
Iraq and the 2011 NATO intervention in Libya, instead of fostering
peace, fueled anti-Western sentiment, destabilized regions, and
reinforced norms of self-determination and sovereignty. In response,
countries like Russia and China have increasingly advocated for
non-intervention, emphasizing national sovereignty. Russia’s 2014
annexation of Crimea and the rise of global nationalist movements
further demonstrated the backlash against foreign interference.
In parallel, transnational organizations, once key pillars for maintaining peace, have expanded their memberships but gradually lost relevance in interventions and peace
settlements as the Global South rises in power, undermining their
legitimacy. Many international organizations, along with the states
backing them, have seen their credibility and legitimacy eroded. These
organizations now often serve symbolic roles in conflict management, lacking a firm commitment to the rule of law
and undermining the normative principles they once upheld. In Northern
countries, the widening decision-making powers of these institutions
over national governments have triggered political and social instability within liberal states (e.g., the European Union). As a result, national identity and sovereignty have once again become dominant political and social values.
The growing extremes in political regimes and the lack of political
stability have further fractured the international order, with far-right
and far-left parties complicating internal stability and hindering
international cooperation....
Related December 30-"US-Indonesia minerals deal points to new global trade era"
December 17 - Great Powers: "What if everyone loses?"
When is science not science? When it's done by Paul -Population Bomb- Ehrlich.
"In ten years all important animal life in the sea will be extinct.
Large areas of coastline will have to be evacuated because of the stench
of dead fish." Paul Ehrlich, Earth Day 1970
The guy would be an embarrassment a third rate college much less to Stanford of all places.
"I would take even money that England will not exist in the year 2000." (1969)
"Before 1985, mankind will enter a genuine age of scarcity . . . in
which the accessible supplies of many key minerals will be facing
depletion." (1976)
May 2013
Last month I tangentially
mentioned Paul Ehrlich:
See also: the spectacularly wrong and wrong-headed forecasts made by
Paul Ehrlich for which he has been rewarded with an endowed chair at
Stanford-definitely a mark against Stanford.
And fully intended to gather some of his wrong-beyond-wrong predictions.
I forgot.
I'll get around to a full post on his doom-mongering but for now here are a couple of his comments on India:
"I don't see how India could possibly feed two hundred million more people by 1980."
-Population Bomb, 1968
"I have yet to meet anyone familiar with the situation who thinks that
India
will be self-sufficient in food by 1971."
-Population Bomb, 1968
In the book's 1971
edition, the latter prediction was removed, green revolution and all that.
The World Bank estimates India's population was 511 million in January 1968.
India is feeding 700 million more people than when Ehrlich wrote his 200 mil. line.
Meet
M.S. Swaminathan and his students.
There are many, many more examples but for now, you get the point.
"Commodities: 'The Case for Human Ingenuity'":
“When you buy commodities, you’re selling human ingenuity.”
Dylan Grice on why investing in commodities for the long run is a bad idea (SocGen Cross Asset Research, December 2010)