A companion piece to yesterday's "An Excellent Definition Of Fascism".
From Reason Magazine:
Hitler's Beneficiaries: Plunder, Racial War, and the Nazi Welfare State, by Götz Aly, New York: Metropolitan Books, 448 pages, $32.50
Few subjects arouse a historian's reductionist instinct like Nazism. It's hard to resist that desire to explain, in a single bullet point, just how "the nation of Goethe and Schiller" descended into imperial, genocidal madness. The earliest Holocaust reductionists saw in the German character a preternatural fealty to power: the stolid Prussian willing to subsume morality to a vague notion of duty, with those not of the Junker class simply terrorized into submission, too fearful to resist.
Among historians, this idea fell out of favor long ago. For non-specialists, it was effectively debunked in 1996 by the Harvard political scientist Daniel Goldhagen, who demonstrated that punishment was rarely if ever meted out to soldiers who refused to participate in mass murder. (According to Goldhagen, S.S. chief Heinrich Himmler allowed the righteous—and the squeamish—to be redeployed from the killing fields.) But Goldhagen merely replaced one monocausal theory with another, contending that the Holocaust was a natural extension of popular anti-Semitism. Fascism flourished, he claimed, because Germany was a country suffused with a "racist eliminationist view of Jews." Goldhagen's book, Hitler's Willing Executioners, was cut to ribbons by his peers, many of whom wondered why, if genocidal anti-Semitism was uniquely German, so many non-Germans willingly betrayed, deported, and executed their Jewish neighbors.
So if anti-Semitism alone cannot explain the fate that befell European Jewry, what can? According to Götz Aly's Hitler's Beneficiaries: Plunder, Racial War, and the Nazi Welfare State, most previous treatments of German complicity in genocide overlook a significant aspect of Nazi rule. Aly, a historian at the Fritz Bauer Institut in Frankfurt and the author of more than a dozen books on fascism, urges us to follow the money, arguing that the Nazis maintained popular support—a necessary precondition for the "final solution"—not because of terror or ideological affinity but through a simple system of "plunder," "bribery," and a generous welfare state. When first published in 2005, Aly's book caused a minor sensation in Germany, with critics accusing him of everything from sloppy arithmetic (a charge he vigorously denies in a postscript to the English translation) to betraying his soixante-huitard roots by implicitly connecting West German social democracy to fascism. After the massive success of books like Günter Grass' Crabwalk and Jörg Friedrich's The Fire, two bestsellers stressing that Germans too were victimized by fascism, Hitler's Beneficiaries shifts the brunt of the blame back toward ordinary Germans.
Far from being victims of Nazism, Aly argues, the majority of Germans were indirect war profiteers. Requisitioned Jewish property, resources stolen from the conquered, and punitive taxes levied on local businesses insulated citizens from shortages and allowed the regime to create a "racist-totalitarian welfare state." The German home front, Aly claims, suffered less privation than its English and American counterparts. To understand Hitler's popularity, Aly proposes, "it is necessary to focus on the socialist aspect of National Socialism."
While underemphasized by modern historians, this socialism was stressed in many contemporaneous accounts of fascism, especially by libertarian thinkers. F.A. Hayek famously dedicated The Road to Serfdom to "the socialists of all parties"—that is, Labourites, Bolsheviks, and National Socialists. "It was the union of the anti-capitalist forces of the right and the left, the fusion of radical and conservative socialism," Hayek wrote, "which drove out from Germany everything that was liberal." Ludwig von Mises agreed, arguing in 1944 that "both Russia and Germany are right in calling their systems socialist."
The Nazis themselves regarded the left-right convergence as integral to understanding fascism. Adolf Eichmann viewed National Socialism and communism as "quasi-siblings," explaining in his memoirs that he "inclined towards the left and emphasized socialist aspects every bit as much as nationalist ones." As late as 1944, Propaganda Minister Josef Goebbels publicly celebrated "our socialism," reminding his war-weary subjects that Germany "alone [has] the best social welfare measures." Contrast this, he advised, with the Jews, who were the very "incarnation of capitalism."....
....MUCH MORE
